{"database": "openregs", "table": "congressional_record", "rows": [["CREC-2006-12-27-pt1-PgE2253", "2006-12-27", 109, 2, null, null, "REMARKS ON H. RES. 1106", "HOUSE", "EXTENSIONS", "ALLOTHER", "E2253", "E2255", "[{\"name\": \"Cynthia A. McKinney\", \"role\": \"speaking\"}]", "[{\"congress\": \"109\", \"type\": \"HRES\", \"number\": \"1106\"}]", "152 Cong. Rec. E2253", "Congressional Record, Volume 152 Issue 136 (Wednesday, December 27, 2006)\n\n[Congressional Record Volume 152, Number 136 (Wednesday, December 27, 2006)]\n[Extensions of Remarks]\n[Pages E2253-E2255]\nFrom the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]\n\n                        REMARKS ON H. RES. 1106\n\n                                 ______\n\n                         HON. CYNTHIA McKINNEY\n\n                               of georgia\n\n                    in the house of representatives\n\n                      Wednesday, December 27, 2006\n\n  Ms. McKINNEY. Mr. Speaker, I wish to enter the following into the\nCongressional Record:\n\n  ADDENDA TO A RESOLUTION INTRODUCING ARTICLES OF IMPEACHMENT AGAINST\n  GEORGE WALKER BUSH, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, AND\nOTHER OFFICIALS: FURTHER ACTIONS BY THE PRESIDENT THAT WARRANT FURTHER\nINVESTIGATION AS POSSIBLE GROUNDS FOR IMPEACHMENT AS IDENTIFIED BY MANY\n                SCHOLARS, LAWYERS AND CONCERNED CITIZENS\n\n         I. FAILURE TO ENSURE THE LAWS ARE FAITHFULLY EXECUTED\n\n       (1) Self-Exemption from Laws upon Signing.\n       (2) Suspension of Basic Legal Proceedings.\n       (3) Promoting Illegal War.\n       (4) Promoting Torture.\n       (5) Promoting Kidnappings and Renditions for Torture.\n       (6) Use of Illegal Weapons.\n\n             II. ABUSE OF OFFICE AND OF EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE\n\n       (1) Obstructing Inquiry and Detection.\n       (2) Replacing the Veto with Signing Statements.\n\n     III. FAILURE TO PRESERVE, PROTECT AND DEFEND THE CONSTITUTION\n\n       (1) Suspension of Due Process.\n       (2) Unreasonable Searches and Seizures.\n       (3) Non-Cooperation with Congress.\n       (4) Establishment of an Unconstitutional, Parallel Legal\n     System.\n\n         I. FAILURE TO ENSURE THE LAWS ARE FAITHFULLY EXECUTED\n\n       Under Article II, Section 3 of the Constitution of the\n     United States of America, the President has a duty to ``take\n     Care that the Laws be faithfully executed.'' George Walker\n     Bush, during his tenure as President of the United States,\n     has repeatedly violated the letter and spirit of laws and\n     rules of criminal procedure used by civilian and military\n     courts, and has violated or ignored regulatory codes and\n     practices that carry out the law, has contravened the laws\n     governing agencies of the executive and the purposes of these\n     agencies, and in conducting the foreign affairs of the United\n     States of America has proceeded in flagrant violation of the\n     core body of international laws, to which the United States\n     of America is bound by treaty.\n       With respect to domestic law, this conduct has included one\n     or more of the following:\n       (1) Self-Exemption from Laws upon Signing. Since assuming\n     the office of President of the United States, George Walker\n     Bush has attached signing statements to more than one hundred\n     bills before signing them, within which he has made over\n     eight hundred challenges to provisions of laws passed by\n     Congress, a figure that exceeds the total number of such\n     challenges by all previous presidents combined, and has used\n     this practice to exempt himself, as President of the United\n     States, from enforcing or from being held accountable to\n     provisions of the said laws.\n       (2) Suspension of Basic Legal Proceedings. In dereliction\n     of his duty to uphold the law, George Walker Bush has\n     systematically violated basic legal and criminal procedures\n     that require any search, seizure, arrest or detention to be\n     non-discriminatory, based on probable cause and sufficient\n     evidence to warrant a stated charge, that provide access to\n     legal counsel, arraignment and the option of bail within a\n     period of days, and that require reasonable and non-coercive\n     interrogations, rights of silence, as well as privy\n     communications with counsel and with others, pending an\n     outcome of either release or a speedy and public trial,\n     conducted in accord with federal and state statutes on\n     criminal and court process, the provisions of the Uniform\n     Code of Military Justice, applicable international law, or\n     appeals to higher courts that apply. By ordering mass arrests\n     and indefinite detentions based on indiscriminate profiling\n     of specific populations, George Walker Bush has also\n     systematically violated laws prohibiting harmful\n     extraditions, secret arrest and custody, and denial of\n     defined and legal periods of detention or incarceration.\n       With respect to international law, this conduct has\n     included one or more of the following:\n       (3) Promoting Illegal War. Abraham Lincoln wrote in 1848,\n     ``Allow the President to invade a neighboring nation\n     whenever he shall deem it necessary to repel an invaslon\n     and you will allow him to do so whenever he may choose to\n     say he deems it necessary for such purpose, and you will\n     allow him to make war at pleasure. If today, he should\n     choose to say he thinks it necessary to invade Canada, to\n     prevent the British from invading us, how could you stop\n     him? You may say to him, `I see no probability of the\n     British invading us,' but he will say to you, `Be silent;\n     I see it, if you don't.' '' In direct violation of\n     Articles 41 and 42 of the United Nations Charter, a treaty\n     ratified by the United States Senate in 1945 and therefore\n     the supreme law of the land as according to Article VI of\n     the Constitution, George Walker Bush has advanced and\n     executed a policy based on so-called pre-emptive or\n     preventive war, whereby the United States of America\n     claims the right to unilaterally assault, invade or occupy\n     other nations without first engaging in collective\n     measures with other member states of the United Nations or\n     first gaining the prior assent of the United Nations\n     Security Council, and whereas George Walker Bush did apply\n     this doctrine by launching a war of aggression against the\n     sovereign nation of Iraq, resulting in the deaths of tens\n     of thousands of Iraqi civilians and thousands of United\n     States military personnel, without United Nations Security\n     Council authorization, whereby said George Walker Bush, as\n     President of the United States, by advancing a doctrine of\n     preventive war and initiating and continuing the invasion\n     and occupation of Iraq by United States forces did commit\n     and was guilty of precisely such abuses as Abraham Lincoln\n     foresaw.\n       (4) Promoting Torture. In direct violation of, and as part\n     of a pattern of consistent attempts through executive orders,\n     legal memoranda and alterations to regulations such as the\n     Army Field Manual, to undermine the Federal Torture Statute\n     [18 USC Sec. 2340A]; the Third Geneva Convention banning\n     torture and abuse of Prisoners of War, as well as non-\n     combatants and unarmed (``enemy'') combatants held in\n     detention; and Articles 4 and 32 of the Fourth Geneva\n     Convention, which expressly prohibit not merely torture but\n     physical abuse of any kind being inflicted upon ``persons\n     protected by the Convention,'' defined as ``those who, at a\n     given moment and in any manner whatsoever, find themselves,\n     in case of a conflict or occupation, in the hands of a Party\n     to the conflict or Occupying Power of which they are not\n     nationals,'' this language being written as a precaution\n     against and in anticipation of alternate definitions of\n     torture, these declarations and treaties being ratified by\n     the United States Senate and therefore the supreme law of the\n     land as according to Article VI of the Constitution, George\n     Walker Bush, as President of the United States of America,\n     has condoned and presided over a vast expansion of the use of\n     torture against unarmed combatants and civilian non-\n     combatants, both foreign and domestic, detained or kidnapped\n     by forces or agents of the United States, leading to extreme\n     pain, psychological trauma, disfigurement and in\n\n[[Page E2254]]\n\n     some cases, death. By signing a legal memorandum on February\n     7, 2002 (declassified on June 17, 2004), in which he wrote\n     that ``The war on terror ushers in a new paradigm,'' one\n     which requires ``new thinking in the law of war,'' and\n     decreeing that, contrary to all past military practices of an\n     official nature, the United States would no longer be\n     constrained by the laws of war presently in force in its\n     treatment of those captured during its invasion and\n     occupation of Afghanistan and subsequently detained, a legal\n     opinion which the Supreme Court struck down on June 29, 2006\n     (Hamdan v. Rumsfeld) by its ruling that the Third Geneva\n     Convention did apply to detainees in the custody of the\n     United States, George Walker Bush, President of the United\n     States, by his concerted efforts to undermine any legal\n     limits on the use of torture by United States personnel, did\n     commit and was guilty of high crimes against the United\n     States of America.\n       (5) Promoting Kidnappings and Renditions for Illegal\n     Torture. In direct violation of the United Nations Convention\n     Against Torture, Article 3, which states that ``No State\n     party shall expel, return or extradite a person to another\n     state where there are substantial grounds for believing that\n     he would be in danger of being subjected to torture,'' and\n     the Fourth Geneva Convention, Articles 31 and 45, the said\n     conventions having been ratified by the United States Senate\n     and therefore the supreme law of the land as according to\n     Article VI of the Constitution, George Walker Bush, as\n     President of the United States of America, did sign, on\n     September 17, 2001, an executive order (still classified)\n     granting unilateral authority to the Central Intelligence\n     Agency to render detainees to countries where torture is\n     routinely practiced for the express purpose of interrogation,\n     thereby subverting an established program of rendering\n     detainees to justice by bringing them to the United States or\n     to a country in which they were wanted to face criminal\n     charges in a court of law. And whereas the Central\n     Intelligence Agency did thereafter carry out this order not\n     only by rendering hundreds of detainees to countries where\n     they were subsequently tortured, but also in many cases first\n     illegally kidnapping the detainees, and did subsequently\n     establish secret detention centers, operating outside any\n     known laws, for the express purpose of circumventing all\n     legal protections to which the said detainees were entitled\n     under international law.\n       (6) Use of lllegal Weapons. In violation of multiple and\n     diverse tenets of international law, George Walker Bush, as\n     President of the United States, has authorized or sanctioned\n     the use of illegal weapons, including but not limited to the\n     following:\n       (a) land mines, deployed by United States forces in\n     Afghanistan and Iraq, which indiscriminately injure and kill\n     combatants and innocent civilians alike, and which are\n     therefore illegal under Geneva Conventions Protocol I,\n     Article 85, which states that it is a war crime to launch\n     ``an indiscriminate attack affecting the civilian population\n     in the knowledge that such an attack will cause an excessive\n     loss of life or injury to civilians,'' and which are banned\n     under the Protocol II of the Convention on Certain\n     Conventional Weapons, which forbids the deployment of any\n     ``mine, booby-trap or other device which is designed or of a\n     nature to cause superfluous injury or unnecessary\n     suffering;''\n       (b) cluster bombs, including those which upon explosion\n     project lethal plastic fragments not detectable by X-ray,\n     deployed by United States forces in Afghanistan and Iraq,\n     which leave unexploded ordnance known to maim and kill\n     innocent civilians and which are therefore also illegal under\n     Geneva Conventions Protocol I, Article 85, as well as under\n     Protocol I of the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons,\n     which bans the use of ``the use of any weapon the primary\n     effect of which is to injure by fragments which in the human\n     body escape detection by X-rays,'' and under Annexed Articles\n     22 and 23 of the Hague Convention IV, which states that ``It\n     is especially forbidden to kill treacherously individuals\n     belonging to the hostile nation or army;''\n       (c) depleted uranium munitions, being radiological weapons\n     used extensively by United States Forces in Iraq and\n     Afghanistan, in violation of Geneva Conventions Protocol 1,\n     Articles 35.2, 35.3, 48 and 55.1, which prohibit the use of\n     ``projectiles and material and methods of warfare of a nature\n     to cause superfluous injury or unnecessary suffering'' or\n     weapons ``which are intended, or may be expected, to cause\n     widespread, long-term and severe damage to the natural\n     environment'' or damage to ``the health or survival of the\n     population,'' and which have been classified as ``weapons of\n     mass destruction'' by the United Nations Subcommission on\n     Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities;\n       (d) napalm, a weapon widely used in Vietnam, an upgraded\n     kerosene-based version of which has more recently been used\n     by United States forces in Iraq, being dubbed the ``Mark 77\n     firebomb'', in violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention,\n     Article II.1.b, which expressly prohibits ``Munitions and\n     devices, specifically designed to cause death or other harm\n     through the toxic properties'' of the device when used as a\n     weapon;\n       (e) white phosphorous, which Defense Department spokesman\n     Lieutenant-Colonel Barry Venable confirmed on November 15,\n     2005 was deployed ``as an incendiary weapon'' in urban areas\n     of Fallujah, Iraq, where there were high concentrations of\n     civilians, during Operation Phantom Fury (November 2004-\n     January 2005), making the said deployment of white\n     phosphorous a violation of the Chemical Weapons Convention,\n     Article II.1.b;\n       (f) BLU-82B/C-130 ``daisy cutter'' bombs, being massive\n     incendiary bombs deployed by United States forces in\n     Afghanistan, and which upon detonation create a firestorm the\n     size of five football fields or greater, and a vacuum\n     pressure capable of collapsing internal organs, in violaton\n     of Geneva Conventions Protocol I, Articles 35, 48, 51 and 55,\n     which expressly forbid such indiscriminate destruction of\n     civilian life and the environment;\n     the United States of America being a signatory to all the\n     above cited international legislation, as ratified by the\n     Senate and therefore being the supreme law of the land under\n     Article VI of the Constitution, whereby said George Walker\n     Bush, President of the United States, did commit war crimes.\n       In all of this, George Walker Bush's conduct has followed a\n     pattern of not merely failing to uphold the laws he took an\n     oath to defend as President of the United States, but of\n     flouting such laws with the impunity of a dictator. Indeed,\n     on numerous occasions, George Walker Bush has openly\n     expressed his desire to become a dictator, as he did while\n     President-Elect on December 18, 2000, when he stated: ``If\n     this were a dictatorship, it'd be a heck of a lot easier . .\n     . just as long as I'm the dictator . . .''\n       This arrogant posture has also been typical in foreign\n     aftairs where he has made concerted efforts to undermine\n     international law and international treaties, including his\n     termination of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty without the\n     assent of the legislative branch, his decision to rescind the\n     authorizing signature of the United States from the Rome\n     Statute of the International Criminal Court, his willingness\n     to offend the 152 nations who are signatories to the Ottawa\n     Treaty by refusing to sign and continuing the use of land\n     mines by the world's most powerful military rather than\n     asserting America's moral leadership, his willingness to\n     offend the 93 nations who are parties to the Convention on\n     Certain Conventional Weapons Protocol III by refusing to sign\n     and continuing the use of incendiary weapons against civilian\n     targets, his defiance of the United Nations Security Council\n     by launching a unilateral war of aggression against the\n     government and the people of Iraq, and in general showing\n     little remorse over or regard for the tens of thousands of\n     innocent civilians and American service personnel who have\n     perished as a direct or indirect result of his foreign\n     policy.\n\n             II. ABUSE OF OFFICE AND OF EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE\n\n       In taking his oath of office, the President swore to\n     ``faithfully execute the office of President of the United\n     States.'' George Walker Bush, in his conduct while President\n     of the United States, has consistently demonstrated disregard\n     for that oath by obstructing and hindering the work of\n     investigative bodies, by seeking to expand the scope of the\n     powers of his office, by failing to ensure a swift response\n     to a natural disaster where lives were in the balance, and by\n     failing to appoint competent officials or to hold those whom\n     he appoints or those to whom the government grants contracts\n     accountable in cases of dereliction of duty, abuse and\n     outright fraud.\n       (1) Obstructing Inquiry and Detection. At the Virginia\n     Convention on ratification of the Constitution, George Mason\n     argued that the President might usurp his powers to ``pardon\n     crimes which were advised by himself'' or prior to indictment\n     or conviction ``to stop inquiry and prevent detection,'' to\n     which James Madison responded that if he did so, ``the House\n     of Representatives would impeach him.'' In an effort to\n     conceal the high crimes and misdemeanors here mentioned,\n     George Walker Bush, in his conduct as President of the United\n     States of America, has presided over the most secretive\n     Presidency in this nation's history, and an administration\n     which actively interferes with the free flow of information\n     by manipulating the press and frustrating its ability to\n     provide an oversight function by being actively hostile to\n     questioning from the press, by placing imposters posing as\n     agents of the press at press conferences, by threatening\n     reporters with prosecution under espionage laws, and by\n     purchasing television segments and placing newspaper stories\n     falsely posing as unbiased reporting in an effort to promote\n     Administration policies. The conduct of this Administration\n     follows a pattern of seeking to hush ``whistleblowers'' who\n     come forward to share potentially incriminating information\n     with the public, rather than investigating the alleged crime.\n     This Administration has also refused to provide key\n     information to Congressional investigations, and to\n     prosecutors investigating the outing of a Central\n     Intelligence Agency Officer in an apparent act of\n     retribution, or to actively pursue the identity of the guilty\n     informant, despite the President's public pledge to fire the\n     guilty party once discovered, and even after one\n     Administration official was charged in the case with\n     obstruction of justice. George Walker Bush has abused his\n     office by consistently invoking executive privilege in order\n     to shelter his office and his appointees from both\n     Congressional oversight and judicial accountability.\n       (2) Replacing the Veto with Signing Statements. By\n     declining to veto even one bill, and instead attaching\n     signing statements challenging hundreds of laws passed by\n     Congress, thereby seeking to exempt the executive branch from\n     accountability to said laws,\n\n[[Page E2255]]\n\n     George Walker Bush has subverted the very nature of his\n     office by seeking to add to his office extraordinary and\n     unconstitutional powers and privileges.\n\n     III. FAILURE TO PRESERVE, PROTECT AND DEFEND THE CONSTITUTION\n\n       At the Constitutional Convention, James Madison argued that\n     ``high Crimes and Misdemeanors'' intentionally included\n     ``[a]ttempts to subvert the Constitution.'' In taking his\n     oath of office, the President swore to ``preserve, protect,\n     and defend the Constitution of the United States'' to the\n     best of his ability, which includes the duty not to abuse his\n     powers or transgress their limits, the duty not to violate\n     the rights of citizens, including those guaranteed by the\n     Bill of Rights, and not to act in derogation of powers\n     vested elsewhere by the Constitution, George Walker Bush,\n     in his conduct while President of the United States has\n     not only failed in this regard, but has demonstrated a\n     pattern of disregard or contempt for the Constitution\n     itself, as he clearly demonstrated in November 2005 when\n     he shouted at a group of Republican lawmakers, ``Stop\n     throwing the Constitution in my face. It's just a\n     [expletive] piece of paper!''\n       This conduct has included one or more of the following:\n       (1) Suspension of Due Process. In direct dereliction of his\n     duty to defend the Constitution, George Walker Bush has\n     systematically deprived citizens and residents of the United\n     States of their constitutional rights to due process under\n     the law, by sanctioning or ordering, at the discretion of the\n     executive, their detention without charge and without trial,\n     a fundamental right to which they are entitled under habeus\n     corpus and the Fifth Amendment of the Bill of Rights; by\n     denying the right to a fair and speedy trial and blocking\n     access to counsel for the defense, both of which are rights\n     guaranteed under the Sixth Amendment in the Bill of Rights;\n     by denying those so illegally detained the opportunity to\n     appear before a judicial officer that they might challenge\n     the legal grounds of their detention; by sanctioning and\n     ordering mass arrests and detentions which inevitably involve\n     all of the above named abuses; and by refusing to disclose\n     the identities and locations of those detained.\n       (2) Unreasonable Searches and Seizures. In violation of the\n     Fourth Amendment to the Constitution, George Walker Bush did\n     clandestinely direct the National Security Agency, the\n     Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Pentagon and the\n     Department of Homeland Security to conduct electronic\n     surveillance, including a new form of spying using\n     sophisticated software to track internet usage, of citizens\n     of the United States on U.S. soil without seeking to obtain,\n     before or after, a judicial warrant, including spying on\n     groups and individuals who had committed no illegal acts,\n     involving penetration, entrapment and provocation, thereby\n     reviving practices previously discontinued after they were\n     deemed prejudicial to justice by the United States Senate\n     Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with\n     Respect to Intelligence Activities, chaired by Senator Frank\n     Church.\n       (3) Non-Cooperation with Congress. In derogation of the\n     legislative functions of the Congress, granted under Article\n     I, Section 1 of the Constitution, and the implied power to\n     see that the laws made by Congress are faithfully executed,\n     George Walker Bush, in his conduct as President of the United\n     States, has engaged in a consistent pattern of obstructing\n     and frustrating Congressional investigations. George Walker\n     Bush opposed and delayed the formation of a commission to\n     investigate the attacks of September 11, 2001, and once it\n     was formed, refused to turn over key documents and\n     information in compliance with subpoenas, and also sought and\n     gained exemption from testifying under oath for all but one\n     top administration official. (Condoleezza Rice). He refused\n     requests from the Select Bipartisan Committee to Investigate\n     the Preparation for and Response to Hurricane Katrina and\n     requests from the 9/11 Commission to turn over key documents\n     and information. Under his administration the Justice\n     Department made it official policy to refuse cooperation with\n     Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests, to refuse the\n     release of records or testimony, central to informing\n     government decisions, to re-classify previously unclassified\n     records and to withhold even non-secret documents. These\n     actions severely restrict the ability of the people and their\n     representatives in Congress seeking to hold government\n     officials accountable for their decisions to have access to a\n     record of how official decisions were reached, or even to\n     know what the official polices are. Wherefore, George Walker\n     Bush, by obstructing the work of the Congress, did commit and\n     was guilty of high misdemeanors against the United States of\n     America.\n       (4) Establishment of an Unconstitutional, Parallel Legal\n     System. Edmund Randolph stated at the Constitutional\n     Convention that: ``The Executive will have great opportunitys\n     [sic] of abusing his power, particularly in time of war when\n     the military force, and in some respects the public money\n     will be in his hands.''\n       In direct dereliction of his duty to defend the\n     Constitution, George Walker Bush has, during his tenure as\n     President of the United States of America, sanctioned the\n     establishment of a parallel legal system operating outside\n     the scope of the Constitution under which the participants\n     would not be bound by due process or basic rights of the\n     accused to speedy and fair trials, access to counsel, or even\n     the right to know the charges and evidence against them, by\n     replacing these measures with a new form of law involving:\n     secret and indefinite detention without trial or hearing;\n     renditions to other countries outside the reach of law and\n     justice; the use of military tribunals to replace civilian\n     courts; detentions outside normal writ of habeus rules and\n     without access to effective counsel, unmonitored\n     conversations or judicial attention and review; exclusion of\n     the accused from portions of the trial and from access to\n     evidence used against them; acceptance of hearsay, including\n     testimony gained under torture or duress; and a lack of\n     independent judiciary or appeal of conviction. An unknown\n     number of individuals, many of whose names the Administration\n     has refused to release, have already been held in undisclosed\n     locations or secret prisons, and mass arrests have been\n     accompanied by deportations. By failing to conduct timely\n     status review hearings, as required under Article 5 of the\n     Geneva Convention, the Bush Administration has made it\n     effectively impossible to determine the status and the rights\n     of those held in secret detention. Although the Supreme Court\n     has ruled that the denial of rights under the Geneva Accords\n     is illegal [Hamdan vs. Rumsfeld], new proposals from the Bush\n     Administration expand the definition of those who can be\n     detained as ``enemy combatants'' as no longer limited to\n     aliens abroad, and assert that neither the Uniform Code of\n     Military Justice alone, nor federal criminal procedures will\n     guide the functions of these new courts. George Walker Bush,\n     as President of the United States of America, in defiance the\n     Supreme Court, and in keeping with a pattern of conduct\n     seeking to exempt himself from its rulings and from\n     constitutional law, did commit violations of domestic law and\n     was guilty of war crimes.\n       In all of this, George Walker Bush has sought to arrogate\n     unprecedented power to his executive office and to undermine\n     the system of check and balances established by the Founders,\n     by using war and national emergency as the basis for his\n     claims in support of a unitary presidency.\n\n                          ____________________"]], "columns": ["granule_id", "date", "congress", "session", "volume", "issue", "title", "chamber", "granule_class", "sub_granule_class", "page_start", "page_end", "speakers", "bills", "citation", "full_text"], "primary_keys": ["granule_id"], "primary_key_values": ["CREC-2006-12-27-pt1-PgE2253"], "units": {}, "query_ms": 78.1374720390886, "source": "Federal Register API & Regulations.gov API", "source_url": "https://www.federalregister.gov/developers/api/v1", "license": "Public Domain (U.S. Government data)", "license_url": "https://www.regulations.gov/faq"}