congressional_record: CREC-1998-12-18-pt1-PgE2345
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| granule_id | date | congress | session | volume | issue | title | chamber | granule_class | sub_granule_class | page_start | page_end | speakers | bills | citation | full_text |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| CREC-1998-12-18-pt1-PgE2345 | 1998-12-18 | 105 | 2 | EXPRESSING UNEQUIVOCAL SUPPORT FOR MEN AND WOMEN OF OUR ARMED FORCES CURRENTLY CARRYING OUT MISSIONS IN AND AROUND PERSIAN GULF REGION | HOUSE | EXTENSIONS | ALLOTHER | E2345 | E2345 | [{"name": "John Conyers, Jr.", "role": "speaking"}] | [{"congress": "105", "type": "HRES", "number": "612"}] | 144 Cong. Rec. E2345 | Congressional Record, Volume 144 Issue 154 (Friday, December 18, 1998) [Congressional Record Volume 144, Number 154 (Friday, December 18, 1998)] [Extensions of Remarks] [Page E2345] From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov] EXPRESSING UNEQUIVOCAL SUPPORT FOR MEN AND WOMEN OF OUR ARMED FORCES CURRENTLY CARRYING OUT MISSIONS IN AND AROUND PERSIAN GULF REGION ______ speech of HON. JOHN CONYERS, JR. of michigan in the house of representatives Thursday, December 17, 1998 Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Speaker, last night the president ordered an American missile attack on Iraq. Going to war is one of the most serious decisions that Congress can make, and that is why I chose to not take this vote lightly. As a veteran and a Member of Congress, I will honor our troops by working to keep them out of harm's way and the world at peace. I am convinced that the effect of H. Res. 612 will be for Congress to abandon its proper role on deciding when to go to war, one of the greatest issues of Constitutional importance. This act of war being undertaken raises many questions in my mind. How long does the bombing need to go on before the executive will obtain congressional authority? At what point will we deem the bombing a success? What are our goals in the bombing? If the stated goal of the bombing is to destroy weapons of mass destruction, then that is what this resolution should have declared. The United Nations must remain a central component of our policy toward Iraq. I believe it is extremely dangerous to carry out this bombing without the full support of our allies. Failing to do so not only undermines our trust internationally, it also denies our troops the additional military support they deserve. In addition, I do not believe that it is up to the United States to unilaterally determine what constitutes a violation of United Nations Security Council Resolutions. That role properly resides with the UN Security Council. China, Russia and France are already outraged with the American decision to interpret the resolution unilaterally. I am also concerned because this bombing campaign will in effect, if not intent, abandon UNSCOM, the special commission created after the Gulf War to carry out weapons inspections. This clearly begs the question: What will our new disarmament policy be? And how will we conduct inspections, since, as the Pentagon has pointed out, much of the inspection equipment will be destroyed? UNSCOM is an imperfect tool, but it is a necessary tool. This resolution affirms that it should be the policy of the United States to overthrow Saddam Hussein. Members of Congress need to know if this means that our troops will remain engaged in combat until that happens. If overthrowing the government is a reference to a massive covert operation, I would point out that the record of such undertaking in Iraq is not comforting. The New York Times has called the proposed operation an ``expensive fantasy,'' and I think there are a lot of serious problems to consider. For one, we're not sure if the opposition in Southern Iraq actually controls any territory or how united they are. I also doubt that we will be able to get our allies in the region to endorse the overt overthrow of the Government of Iraq, however unpopular that government may be among our friends and the Iraqi people. Kuwait has insisted that any covert action should be part of a larger policy, including one that better addresses the humanitarian crisis in Iraq. Otherwise it is unsustainable. Most critically, when we get down to life or death decisions during a covert action, how far will U.S. support be willing to go? I can imagine some horrible scenarios if the U.S. is asked to help the Iraqi resistance if their rebellion appears to be failing. Haven't we been down this road before? We need to keep the United Nations at center stage, and reinvent a vigorous weapons inspection regime that facilitates disarmament in the Middle East. We need to build political support in Iraq and in the region by revisiting the economic sanctions that have caused a great humanitarian disaster. Most importantly, all of these efforts must be the product of a clear and strong international consensus. ____________________ |